Eyeing Rintihan Najib

Saya menyangkakan bahawa hari semalam akan berlansung seperti rutin setiap kali saya menghadiri mahkamah sejak 3 tahun yang lalu. 

 

Namun sangkaan saya berakhir dengan sesuatu yang tidak disangka. 

Sejak hari pertama saya dihadapkan ke mahkamah untuk pertuduhan, kepada hari saya dijatuhkan hukuman, dan sehingga hari ini, saya sentiasa menegaskan bahawa saya tidak bersalah dan telah dianiayai oleh sesetengah pihak. 

Saya mungkin tidak mempunyai kebebasan untuk berkongsi dengan lebih lanjut mengenai proses mahkamah dan strategi rayuan peguam-peguam saya, tetapi cukup untuk saya katakan di sini bahawa saya akan terus membela diri dan menegakkan kebenaran.

Sejak tiga minggu kebelakangan ini, saya telah melihat kembali perjalanan proses pendakwaan terhadap saya termasuklah tindakan pihak bertanggungjawab untuk menutup mata terhadap segunung bukti yang membukti kebenaran saya, saksi-saksi penting dan golongan berpengaruh yang ghaib, dan pengampunan halus yang diberikan kepada individu-individu berjawatan tinggi dan penting yang telah dibukti mempunyai hubungan rapat dan terlibat dengan pemimpin-pemimpin politik yang lantang menentang dan memusnahkan saya. 

Sewaktu saya menyiapkan diri untuk hadir ke mahkamah semalam , hati saya merasa pedih merasakan berat ketidakadilan yang dipikul kes ini. 

Awan gelap yang menyelubungi minda saya berarak dengan kepiluan yang menyedarkan saya bahawa apa yang saya lalui hari ini bukanlah sesuatu yang asing dan baru dalam sejarah perundangan negara. 

Penganiayaan seperti ini, sama ada yang bermotifkan politik, peribadai, dan sebagainya, bukan sahaja sebahagian dari perang taktikal untuk mengawal dan mendominasi sesuatu musuh. 

Mungkin tidak ramai yang melihat bahawa, penganiayaan ini memberi kesan jangka masa panjang dan parut yang tidak akan sembuh kepada mangsa. 

Walaupun saya terus bersemangat untuk membuktikan kebenaran terhadap diri saya, saya tidak membenarkan kepedihan pengalaman ini untuk membakar api kebencian dan dendam dalam diri saya. 

Sebaliknya, akan saya genggam bara ini menjadi abu yang akan saya semai bersama benih harapan untuk meneruskan khidmat saya kepada rakyat. 

Saya akan menjadikan pengalaman ini sebagai penunjuk arah dalam perjalanan saya membela diri dan mengembalikan kepercayaan rakyat mengenai penganiayaan yang sedang berlaku. 

Yang lebih penting lagi, saya akan menggunakan kemampuan yang ada untuk menampilkan rayuan terbaik bersama barisan peguam saya untuk membantu para hakim dan panel hakim yang bijaksana untuk membuat keputusan yang berpihak kepada kebenaran dan tidak sebaliknya. 

Saya ingin memastikan bahawa kali ini, roh keadilan akan dihormati seperti yang sepatutnya, tidak seperti sewaktu proses sabitan saya terdahulu.   

Saat saya merasa bahawa tiada apa lagi yang boleh mengejutkan saya dalam perjalana ini, takdir memilih untuk melakukan sebaliknya dan membuktikan saya masih boleh tersilap. 

Setelah selesainya prosedur mahkamah semalam, saya ditemui wakil Lembaga Hasil Dalam Negeri (LHDN) di kediaman peribadi saya petang tadi di mana saya diberikan notis muflis berkaitan dengan ringkasan penghakiman cukai pendapatan saya dari 2011 hingga 2017!

Mungkin tidakan memberi saya notis muflis pada hari pertama rayuan kes saya didengari adalah bertujuan untuk menyadur garam ke luka ketidakadilan yang masih berdarah atau untuk terus memalukan saya. 

Bagaimana ia terjadi?

Kes cukai ini dikenakan terhadap saya oleh kerajaan PH dan langsung tidak mempunyai alasan kukuh atau merit. Ia kemudian diteruskan oleh kerajaan PN. 

Ia berkaitan sejumlah RM3 bilion yang dimasukkan ke dalam akaun yang menggunakan nama DSN di mana akaun itu diwujudkan bagi menerima sumbangan derma (sebagaimana didedahkan di mahkamah), dan RM642 juta dipindahkan secara terus dari Kementerian Kewangan Arab Saudi (dan ini juga dibuktikan di mahkamah). Jumlah RM2.6 bilion yang sangat popular (sebenarnya RM2 bilion) sudah DIPULANGKAN empat bulan kemudian. 

(Ini sebenarnya dibuktikan sekali lagi beberapa hari lalu dalam mahkamah apabila pendakwaan kata:

"Faten Hadni berkata, analisis dan jejakan kewangan menggunakan kaedah FIFO ke atas penyata akaun bernombor 9694 milik Najib mendapati sebanyak RM2,034,350,000 telah dipulangkan semula ke akaun Tanore."

https://www.sinarharian.com.my/article/130520/BERITA/Semasa/UMNO-paling-banyak-terima-dana-1MDB-menerusi-Najib

Biarpun sebagai Perdana Menteri, saya sentiasa membayar cukai pendapatan tanpa gagal tetapi cukai zalim berjumlah RM1.74 bilion (naik lagi dengan penalti RM46 juta  sejak tahun lepas) ini adalah pentaksiran tambahan dan penalti yang tidak munasabah.

Sebelum ini, LHDN pernah keluarkan kenyataan di mana derma politik tidak dikenakan cukai. 

"Sumbangan Politik Tidak Dikenakan Cukai - CEO LHDN"

https://www.mstar.com.my/lokal/semasa/2016/02/16/sumbangan-politik-tak-kena-cukai

Selain itu, semua wang yang diterima dalam akaun khas sudah digunakan bagi tujuan CSR serta politik dan bukan untuk tujuan peribadi - termasuk sumbangan kepada masjid di Malaysia dan bantuan banjir selama 4 tahun termasuk banjir besar pada 2014. 

Bayangkan saya dikenakan penalti cukai RM1.7 bilion sebab gunakan wang dari Arab Saudi untuk membantu mangsa banjir dan masjid-masjid seluruh negara selama 4 tahun!

Kita perhatikan wang digunakan ini semua adalah untuk rakyat, tempat beribadah dan membantu mereka yang memerlukan tanpa perlu terhutang budi pada mana mana syarikat kroni. 

Kesemua akauntan percukaian dan peguam percukaian termasuk yang berpengalaman di negara ini bersetuju bahawa kerajaan tiada merit untuk mengenakan penalti seperti itu dan tindakan itu sebagai tidak munasabah. 

Dari zaman PH sehingga zaman PN kini, tiada seorang pun yang berani menjawab kenapa wang yang dipulangkan kepada penghantar selepas 4 bulan dikira sebagai pendapatan peribadi dan dicukai serta dikenakan penalti 40% +10% +5%.

Bagaimanapun, undang undang percukaian di negara ini terdedah kepada penyalahgunaan di mana prinsipnya adalah seseorang itu perlu langsaikan penalti dahulu sebelum merayu dengan Suruhanjaya Khas Cukai Pendapatan. 

Dan jika anda tak boleh bayar, LHDN boleh isytihar anda muflis. 

Pada November tahun lalu, menteri kewangan ketika ini diberi taklimat tentang kes cukai ini di mana beliau datang berbincang dengan saya untuk bertanya mengapa saya berkeras mahukan pengeluaran KWSP. Selepas beliau dapat tahu tentang derma negara asing dan dana dipulangkan empat bulan kemudian dikenakan cukai, beliau pergi ke LHDN dan meminta agensi itu berbincang dengan saya untuk jalan penyelesaian. 

Bagaimanapun, minggu lepas beliau diberitahu oleh bosnya, untuk tidak lagi terlibat dengan isu cukai ini dan serahkan kepada bosnya. 

Tiba tiba, rundingan dihentikan dan notis bankrap ini diserahkan kepada saya. 

Saya yakin, masa notis muflis ini adalah berkaitan dengan 3 isu:

1. Undian dijalankan penyelidikan UUM dan Utusan TV melibatkan 60,000 responden menunjukkan yang saya adalah PM pilihan bagi PRU15 dengan separuh dari undian manakala PM pada masa ini hanya menduduki tempat keempat. 

2. Keputusan PAU Umno untuk tidak bekerjasama dengan PPBM/PN ketika PRU15. 

3. Kesimpulan terkini kes pelupusan harta di mana pendakwaraya gagal membuktikan barangan dan wang yang disita diperolehi dari dana 1MDB. Malah, hakim turut menolak afidavit pendakwaraya yang dikemukakan pada saat akhir. Hakim dijangka akan membuat keputusan untuk kes ini bulan depan. 

4. Bermulanya rayuaj kes SRC di mana kami mempunyai 307 alasan kukuh mengapa hakim tidak berpengalaman yang tidak memiliki pengalaman kendali kes jenayah dan tiba tiba dipindahkan dari mahkamah sivil menggantikan hakim jenayah berpengalaman selepas perbicaraan bermula, membuat keputusan salah dengan mensabitkan saya. Peguam saya yakin saya mempunyai peluang yang baik dalam rayuan ini apatah lagi ahli keluarga salah seorang saksi pendakwaan didapati menerima ratusan juta dari Jho Low selepas sabitan saya. 

APA?

Apakah kesan akibat dari notis bankrap ini?

1. Saya akan kehilangan status Ahli Parlimen Pekan dan pilihanraya kecil akan diadakan. 

2. Saya tidak lagi layak untuk bertanding dalam pemilihan parti dan pilihanraya. 

3. Saya akan kehilangan semua wang simpanan yang saya kumpulkan semasa bekerja dalam perkhidmatan kerajaan di mana ia sekarang digunakan untuk menyara hidup dan membayar peguam saya. 

4. Saya tidak akan mempunyai wang lagi untuk bayar fi peguam saya bagi menjalankan tugas pembelaan di mahkamah. 

5. Saya tidak akan terima kembali barangan dan wang yang disita biarpun jika saya menang kes itu. 

Melihat ke depan:

1. Saya tidak akan tunduk kepada individu yang menyalahgunakan undang undang negara ini untuk menzalimi saya atas dasar politik dan ketamakan untuk berpaut pada kuasa. 

2. Saya akan terus bersuara demi rakyat Malaysia. 

3. Saya telah meminta peguam untuk mendapatkan perintah penangguhan hukuman. 

Saya juga dengan rendah diri meminta semua akauntan cukai, peguam percukaian dan NGO untuk meneliti kes percukaian ini bagi memberi pandangan sama ada ia mempunyai merit atau sebaliknya.

Tidak ramai yang mengetahui, terutamanya dikalangan mereka yang masih cuba untuk terus menggertak dan mengugut saya, bahawa pengalaman yang saya lalui dari hari ke hari sejak tiga tahun lalu telah menjadikan saya lebih kuat dalam mendepani cabaran seperti ini. 

Saya tahu, jauh di sudut hati saya, bahawa niat disebalik pemberian notis ini melangkaui sekadar prosedur perundangan dan pelaksanaan yang harus dipenuhi oleh pihak berkuasa. 

Setelah saya menghadami pemberian notis tersebut, saya tidak boleh melepaskan soretan pemikiran yang membelenggu saya sejak sekian lama. 

Sejurus tamatnya Perhimpunan Agung UMNO baru-baru ini, wujud beberapa insiden dan tuduhan tidak disenangi yang dihunuskan kepada saya dan beberapa individu lain di dalam parti. 

Mungkinkah dalam kerakusan sesetengah pihak dalam persiapan Pemilihan Parti yang dijangka akan berlaku tidak lama lagi, ada yang berkompromi dengan musuh dan secara tidak lansung mendedahkan diri mereka yang sebenar kepada saya? 

Satu yang pasti buat saya adalah kegopohan mereka akan memakan diri kerana ia telah membuktikan kepada saya sesuatu yang telah lama saya syaki, iaitu terdapat lebih dari satu pihak seakan ‘invisible hand’ yang mahu bergelut untuk mengawal kuasa dalam parti UMNO dan kemudiannya, mendapat kuasa di Putrajaya. 

Kerana sesiapa yang berjaya memimpin UMNO – parti yang mempunyai kuasa, pengaruh, dan pengalaman tiada tandingan – mempunyai peluang besar untuk memimpin negara suatu hari ini. Ini adalah impian yang sekian lama disorok oleh ramai pihak di dalam parti. 

Sewaktu UMNO dan BN mengalami kekalahan besar di pilihan raya terdahulu, saya telah cuba melakukan yang terbaik sebagai seorang pemimpin dan melepaskan jawatan saya sebagai Presiden parti dengan rasa bertanggungjawab. 

Selepas itu, tahun-tahun seterusnya yang saya jalani sebagai ahli biasa parti tanpa sebarang jawatan dan tempat dalam kerajaan telah mengajar saya sikap rendah diri dan menambah kefahaman akan erti sebenar menjadi seorang pemimpin. 

Kefahaman ini membuahkan kearifan yang membolehkan saya melihat dengan jelas setelah sekian lama dan membezakan di antara musuh dan rakan dalam selimut. Menerima kenyataan hidup saya sekarang dan menguatkan iman untuk mendepani cabaran akan datang. 

Meneruskan perjuangan untuk menebus maruah dan kekhilafan terdahulu sewaktu saya memipin negara dan parti, bukan sahaja untuk meyakinkan diri saya, tetapi untuk parti yang amat saya sayangi dan ahli-ahlinya yang layak mendapat kepimpinan terbaik. 

Saya telah berikrar untuk berkhidmat kepada parti keramat yang telah menambahbaik kehidupan jutaan rakyat di setiap lapisan generasi dengan sikap nasionalis, berwawasan dan bertanggungjawab. 

Akan saya penuhi ikrar ini mengikut kemampuan yang saya ada sekarang sehingga nafas terakhir dan memastikan rakyat Malaysia terutamanya dan masyarakat Pekan khususnya, merasai khidmat yang akan terus saya semaikan. 

Saya juga telah berjanji kepada diri sendiri untuk terus kuat dan tidak mengalah dalam menegakkan kebenaran demi membela diri. 

Saya akan terus berdiri teuh melawan setiap percubaan untuk membuli dan menakutkan saya oleh mereka yang berkuasa supaya suatu hari nanti, sakan menamatkan tradisi khianat mengkhianati yang telah menyusup menjangkiti pembuluh darah UMNO dan membunuh setiap legasi khidmat dan perjuangan parti yang diasaskan dahulu.

Jika mereka yang bersubahat ini telah lupa atau tidak sedar, saya ingatkan semula mereka bahawa kesombongan UMNO tidak lama dahulu ditundukkan oleh rakyat. Saya tidak tahu apa yang mereka sedang fikirkan tetapi untuk saya sendiri dan kebanyakkan pemimpin akar umbi parti, kami sedar dan faham bahawa kuasa sedar sudah lama dan akan sentiasa berada di tangan rakyat. 

Saya akhiri coretan hari ini dengan pesanan terhadap pengkhianat-pengkhianat ini: Jika kamu benar-benar percaya bahawa rancangan ini akan berjaya, fikirlah bagaimana rakyat di luar sana, mereka yang telah mendegar ikrar dan sumpah kita sebagai wakil rakyat untuk berkhidmat, akan fikir tentang apa yang sedang kamu lakukan. 

Akhir sekali, izikan saya untuk mengingatkan kamu bahawa parti keramat ini bukanlah milik sesetengah individu atau puak mahupun mereka yang berjawatan. 

Sebaliknya, ia milik jutaan ahli akar umbi yang tidak pernah penat berjuang demi kelansungan parti dan menegakkan tujuan asal parti ini ditubuhkan. 

Ingatlah, UMNO dahulu bukanlah UMNO yang dikenali sekarang. UmNO yang ditubuhkan untuk berkhidmat kepada rakyat adalah kunci kekuatan kita dan akan kekal selamanya seperti nadi yang menghebuskan nyawa kepada parti ini. Dulu, Kini dan Selamanya. 

Wabillahi taufiq wal hidayah.

Eyeing Najib's view on Democracy

 "I have, even through the electoral defeat of 2018, maintained that democracy is only as strong as its actors. That also means that one should always be ready to accept defeat and exit gracefully. One can’t say one believes in democracy and yet be ready to do whatever it takes to remain in power."

Teks penuh ucapan saya di Malaysia Democracy Forum pada 30 Mac 2021:

Your Excellencies, 

Distinguished Guests,

Ladies & gentlemen

Democracy: a doctrine most defined and redefined by scholars, used and misused by politicians, celebrated and abused through the test of time as written in history. 

The debate never stops from Plato - whose disdain has defined democracy as a matter of opinion over the mighty knowledge – to the French philosopher De Tocqueville who recognized the inevitability of democracy. But still, he warned us against tyranny of the majority. 

Leaders and thinkers, too, have made the noun democracy to sometimes sound promiscuous - casting aspersions rendering it to be purely rhetorical. Sukarno’s guided democracy, El Jefe with his neo democracy, Franco with his organic democracy - to name a few. 

But if at all we are about to learn anything from the French revolution, Oliver Holmes’ sarcasm was not far off the mark: democracy is what the crowd wants. 

Are we hearing this? Where do we now stand, democratically speaking? 

To know where we are, we must know where we came from. Democracy in Malaysia has had its roots since 1867 with the establishment of the Straits Settlement Legislative Council following its jurisdictional transfer from English East India Company to the Colonial Office. The first office of its kind to hold debates and discussions on the affairs of its member state, the council showed characteristics of a modern Parliament. 

But, the birth of our modern democracy only truly began during the Post Japanese Occupation period which culminated into our fight for independence, and subsequently the formation of Malaysia in 1963. 

The Cobbold Commission that played a huge role in laying the foundations of our democracy was in fact part of the democratic process. 

In trying to understand our democracy, learning about its birth is not enough. As citizens of Malaysia, we must also learn about the system in its infancy, its teething pain, what ails the democracy today, and how do we go about restoring the faith in the democracy again. 

We are a Federal Constitutional Monarchy. It has a parliamentary system of government headed by a Prime Minister, selected through periodic, multiparty elections. The Federal Constitution was legislated to help bring into existence the conditions for the system to exist. The separation of the administrative powers into three parts, which are the Legislative, the Judiciary and the Executive is one such condition. 

In 1963, during the formation of Malaysia, the Malayan Parliament was adopted as the Parliament of Malaysia. When Singapore left in 1965, their Legislative Assembly became their Parliament and it ceased to be represented in the Parliament of Malaysia. Much of what I have said is now part of our history and its upon us to learn about our democracy.

But it wasn’t all sunshine for Malaysia. 

Our democracy saw the first suspension of parliament from the year 1969 to 1971 in the aftermath of the May 13 riot. The National Operation Council (NOC) was convened right after the declaration of emergency and the suspension of parliament in 1969. 

George Bernard Shaw once said, “If history repeats itself, and the unexpected always happen, how incapable must a man be in learning from history.” 

Today, we are living through another suspension of parliament. Justified or not, only time will tell. But one thing is for sure: the powers that be have shown us how incapable man are at learning from history. 

If two suspensions weren’t enough, time has a way of testing our infantile democracy yet again through the 1988 judicial crisis. This was when the then Prime Minister wrestled the power of the Judiciary away from its rightful owner, the Judicial Branch. Then on, the head of government at the time began discharging justice on his own, thereby becoming his own judge, jury and executioner. 

Of the trials that our democracy has weathered, none has been as challenging as the recent Langkah Sheraton: a move that invited the question of legitimacy of a sitting Government. And it doesn’t stop at that. While it is allowed by the provisions of the Federal Constitution, the morality of such a move continues to be questioned. 

Let me make it clear, we - UMNO and Barisan Nasional,  that our position was unambiguous. We wanted parliament to be dissolved to return the mandate to the rakyat.  However, the rulers refused. So we were left with no option but to support the current government for one year with a condition that at the expiration of the stipulated time, a fresh election must be held. 

But since the current government has failed to honour this one-year condition, we are now left with the tyranny of the minority as parliament cannot be dissolved during the current state of emergency.

Make no mistake, Malaysia is the only country in the world that has suspended parliament and suspended the constitution with the excuse that we need to fight Covid.

To make matters worse, the current government gave the excuse that there are too many old people in parliament to refuse holding parliament sessions despite the Yang di-Pertuan Agong saying that parliament can resume during the emergency.

As the English would say…BOLLOCKS.

The Sheraton Move saw a number of people - under the guise of saving the country and upholding democracy - leaving their parties and declaring support for the formation of the current government. Party-hopping, while legally permissible, opened the Pandora’s box with the question: should one be able to do something that is legally permissible while knowing that it is morally questionable?

Make no mistake, UMNO and BN was part of that move as well. However, UMNO was not guided by the idea of preserving power and influence. 

I have, even through the electoral defeat of 2018, maintained that democracy is only as strong as its actors. That also means that one should always be ready to accept defeat and exit gracefully. One can’t say one believes in democracy and yet be ready to do whatever it takes to remain in power. 

Earlier, I quoted Plato - whose disdain has defined democracy as a matter of opinion over the mighty knowledge.

Therefore, I am forced to agree that the current democracy in this country is flawed. Democracy can truly live up to its meaning for as long as we give the voters accurate information and not be inundated by propaganda and untruth spread by political agents. Prior to GE14 the voters were misled with slews of misinformation and lies. 

For example until today, those that accuse and oppose me has never dare confirm publicly that RM2.6 billion in my accounts was subsequently  returned to the sender 4 months later, and that at least RM642 million was received in my accounts directly from the Saudi Arabia Ministry of Finance’s bank account as was revealed repeatedly in court; I was also accussed of killing Altantuya and Kevin Morais; my wife was accused of buying a pink diamond, the country is bankrupt and that GST is an evil taxation system.  But, all these too were already subsequently proven untrue in the courts or in parliament.

But none of this was ever explained by the opposition including those who first threw these accusations at me.

As a result, up until present day, there are still people who believe in these accusation because the opposition then never bothered to explain the truth. What version of democracy were the opposition living in? 

Therefore, those who truly believe in democracy must not allow these untruths to continue to deceive the voters.

I firmly believe that voters must be given the true version of events and not be lied to. That is why I have yet to be sued by anyone in court for spreading untruths despite making more than 6,000 posts on my social media accounts since the last General Election.

As true believers of democracy let us move on from here and ensure that the information we deliver to the people are true and that we take personal responsibility to dispel the untruths...

Together, let’s prove Plato wrong as we move to a future of honest politics with well-informed and correctly-informed voters.

The ailments that plague our democracy are many, from party-hopping to political funding, and to voters’ registration. There is no simple panacea to fix this. I believe, and have always maintained, that a structural reform must be put in place if we want to have a sliver of chance to fix our democracy. I propose, to do this we must look no further than addressing 3 key concerns which are: 

1) Party-hopping 

2) Political Funding 

3) Expanding Voter Base 

In the next few minutes, lend me your ears as I outline the steps I believe will lay the foundation in creating the remedy to cure the sickness that plagues our democracy. 

First, we must address the elephant in the room: party-hoppers. Again, we should ask ourselves, is it right to do what is legally permissible but ethically questionable? Any proponent of democracy will say that it is within the liberty of an individual to throw weight behind the ideas or person that is in line with their position. But the move does have its repercussions. We must be reminded that as Member of Parliament, our decisions carry more weight than of those around us. 

In understanding that, we must be aware that to normalizing party-hopping as a means to an end, is akin to us telling the people that it is ok to switch loyalty as long as it serves our purpose. Is that the message we want people to remember us by? 

Party-hopping, while it isn’t new, first saw the light of day in 2008, when the opposition claimed that they had enough parliamentary support to topple the government and urged the Prime Minister to give up power peacefully. They needed to get 30 more MPs to add to his current lineup of 82 MPs. Fortunately - or unfortunately as the case might be - this trend of enticing MPs to switch sides hasn’t stopped since then. The Sheraton Move was ultimately a manifestation  of the disease.

Party-hopping, for all intents and purposes, must be tackled before any meaningful reform can hope to see the light of day. To do so, we must look into the case of Nordin Salleh vs Wan Mohamed Najib. The case involved state assemblymen in Kelantan who won their seats on the strength of the Semangat 46 ticket in 1990, but subsequently defected to UMNO in 1991. Following that, the State Legislative amended the state constitution and passed an Anti–Hopping Law. 

Both seats were declared vacant and both individuals lost their seats in the by-election that followed. However, they sought legal redress and was reinstated as assemblymen when the Supreme Court decided that the amendments were in contradiction with Article 10 of the Federal Constitution, which guarantees the freedom of association of an individual. 

That decision became the bedrock upon which party-hoppers justify their actions. 

That decision, ladies and gentlemen, encapsulates the challenges we face in establishing any anti-hopping law to curb party-hopping. Again, it begs the question, should one continue what is legally permissible but ethically questionable? 

Fast track to present times. To date, 40 MPs have changed their allegiance since GE 14, with 2020 seeing 4 states changing administration due to party-hoppers. Why do I want to talk about this? Because the more we normalize party-hopping, the more damage it will do, not only to our democratic process, but also to our country as a whole. Since 2008, no effective means nor a remedy has been put in place to curb this practice even when we know the instability it creates for the country. 

The cycle continues until today. Despite all the talk that party-hopping has done to create stability, it has been shown to be otherwise. Our country is not faring any better today than it did post GE 14 in May 2018. Certainly not so if the recent economic figures are to be taken into account. Party-hopping invites and creates instability.  It is as simple as that.

One need not look any further for signs of instability than the fact that Malaysia attracted an FDI inflow of US$13.5 billion (RM56.02 billion) for 2017, higher than Indonesia (US$4.5 billion), Vietnam (US$12.6 billion) and the Philippines (US$8.7 billion).

However, based on a United Nations Conference on Trade and Development report, Malaysia’s FDIs fell 68% to a meagre US$2.5 billion last year, while Indonesia attracted a whopping US$18 billion in FDIs. Malaysia is performing worse than our neighbouring countries.

Party-hopping and the following Proclamation of Emergency have left the Government with an unchecked ability to continue to borrow money without detailing how and where they are going to spend it. It is one thing to borrow money - anyone can do that. But are they doing it with careful planning and consideration for the future fiscal position of the country? To date there have been RM 54 billion new borrowings over the past 3 months alone! 

Where is the money going and how is it being spent? 

Yet, today we have people triumphantly going around town saying how the Government has effectively managed the pandemic and how party-hopping has had little effect on the economy in the greater scheme of things. Net foreign investment has gone down by RM 17.8 billion in 2020 as compared to the previous year. That isn’t the worse of our woes. In May, IBM will shut down its operations in Cyberjaya. Since 2018, we have seen Western Digital, Johnson & Johnson, Hyundai, and IBM shutting down their operation in Malaysia. 

In all my years of experience and from all the economic journals and articles that I have read over decades, never have I ever come across anyone saying “Hey, that country has declared emergency and suspended its parliament. Therefore, this is the best time to invest and start a new business there”.

What is then the solution to this? 

My fellow Member of Parliament, Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz has mooted the idea of adopting a party-list system. This essentially outlines that the seat stays with the party should the sitting MP decide to defect to another party and thereby allowing for the government to stay intact despite the defections. On top of that, this suggestion could potentially save the taxpayers millions of Ringgit by doing away with the need to hold by-elections. 

By any means, this is not a one size fits all solution. Any and all considerations to regulate party-hopping must be met with intense scrutiny to ensure that the livelihood of the many is not jeopardised by the interests of the few. As we talk about party-hopping and defection, its only right to look at the reasons as to why an MP should choose to do so. 

An MP when taking oath in parliament has sworn that his solemn duty, first and foremost, is to defend the Federal Constitution before their constituencies, but the Proclamation of Emergency has suspended the Constitution itself. What then are MPs supposed to defend? 

Are we now to defend to right to switch loyalties? Of course, I am being sarcastic…

Driven by the need to provide for their voters to secure a political base going into the next election, MPs may and can be swayed to swing the way that benefits them and their voters. 

Much has been said by MPs who have defected about doing this in the name of service to their voters - that only goes to prove that the ability to serve their constituency is dependent on a combination of both financial prowess and political capital.  This, has been argued, is what nudges MPs into making such decision. 

The next point that I want to touch on is political donation. Now, before every one of you gets excited, I particularly want to talk about the need to enact an Act of Parliament that regulates political donation and funding. The reality is, conducting political activities, just like any activity, involves cost. And with cost comes the act of raising funds to cover that. 

If you are a business entity, you raise funds via selling equity, debts and through various fundraising activities. But the question is, how does a political party do that, and do that at a scale large enough to cover the cost associated with running it? 

But the real question isn’t that. The real question is how do political parties do that while maintaining its independence from the forces that supports its survival? How does a political party do this while ensuring that democracy isn’t tugged by invisible strings lying around in the shadows, benefiting the few at the cost of many. 

Democracy like I have mentioned, is the will of the many. Other activities trying to subjugate the vox populi via secret influences, by way of political funding, and buying influences must not be allowed. To this end, following footsteps of more mature democracies around the globe, I mooted the idea of a Political Funding Act in 2014. I believed then, as I still do today, that political funding must be regulated for parties across the spectrum lest we are to condemn the fate of our democracy to the back-room dealings amongst vested interests. 

I believed then, as I do and now, that we must continue to improve our standard of democracy. To that end, on top of my commitment to introduce the Political Funding Act. I also have made it a mission to repeal the much vilified and most abused draconian law, Internal Securities Act (ISA). And I succeeded in doing so in 2011.

In 2015, we created a committee called the National Consultative Committee of Political Financing with the idea that the findings of this committee will pave the way for a comprehensive Political Funding Act. I genuinely believe that this is the cornerstone that will safeguard our democracy from forces that attempts to shape the nation to serve their vested interests rather than Malaysian’s interest. However, it was a mistake for me to take the enthusiasm that my colleagues in the Opposition showed when talking about political funding as tacit approval of my endeavor. 

I continued with fervor, determined to make sure this bill will see the light of day in the Dewan Rakyat. But life, being what it is, had other things in store. We can plan all we want. But verily, God is the best planner of all. My Opposition colleagues, for all their talk about wanting governance and transparency, balked and continued to oppose the idea of a political funding act with all manner of guile and guise. The committee received opposition left, right and center and the bill didn’t go through. While it saddens me to see it that way, I believed it wasn’t the end. 

Coming into power in 2018, PH did not make good on their promises of reform. Glaringly, they’ve never tabled the Political Funding Bill, which incidentally, was slated to be tabled in 2020. 

Today, more than ever, we see an urgent need to decouple financial interest from political interest, and for political funding activities to be made transparent, accountable and above board. If we aspire to have a mature democracy the likes of which we see in the western world, political parties must accept that political funding must be regulated, and lobbying be made public. One can’t talk about such aspirations and yet refuse to adopt regulated political financing. 

So, if one wants to see our democracy mature into a modern and functioning democracy, we must regulate any and all activities associated with political funding. We can’t shout our belief about transparency and governance unless we also agree to have this mechanism in place. A political funding Act will also serve as a check and balance mechanism against party-hopping in the name of power and greed. Through this Act, a party and an MP must make available records of the fund-raising activities that was done and the people and organizations who are donating money to them. Not only must we make political funding activities above board, we must also ensure that our leaders, chosen via the democratic process, is clear of receiving ill-gotten gains from unscrupulous sources. 

The third and final piece of the puzzle to cure our democracy of her ailments is to expand the voter-base of this country by allowing 18-year-olds to vote, and by implementing the automatic registration of voters. The right to vote isn’t exclusive to a select few based on their age, race or skin color - our Federal Constitution guarantees the right of everyone to vote. 

Expanding voters-base is not something new to me, and neither should it be for the members of the current administration. While I was the President of UMNO, I made an amendment to the party constitution in 2013 that expanded the voting-base from about 2500 delegates to about 145,600 delegates. 

This has allowed the decentralization of power, thereby making our delegates less susceptible to money politics. If it can be done within UMNO, I don’t see any reason why it can’t be done with UNDI 18 and automatic registration of voters.

Democracy, ladies and gentlemen, is trust and liberty at its core. It’s about allowing the voters to exercise their liberty to vote for whomever they like, and to have trust the voters’ judgment. The thing is, we can’t only use this concept when it suits us, and discard it when it doesn’t. The recent turn of events regarding UNDI 18 only goes to prove that the current government doesn’t trust the younger generation of Malaysians to make decisions for themselves. On top of that, it appears that this administration is fond of using the name of democracy only when it suits them. 

Why can’t we trust our 18-year-olds to vote when we trust them enough to make 18 the legal age for a lot of other things in life like getting a loan to buy a car, and even joining the armed forces and police? Is the current administration denying them their liberty to exercise their rights to choose? If so, isn’t the administration effectively telling our younger generation that they have no say in determining their future? 

History and recent events have pointed out that the younger generation has a greater capacity to do good and change the world. We must give them a chance not just in life, but also at the ballot box. We must allow the younger generation to represent their interest in scheme of things. I believe they can very well articulate and fight for issues that directly impacts them such as unemployment, climate change, and social welfare. We must, as elders, give them that opportunity to learn and grow. 

The 18-year-olds of today can’t and won’t be mollycoddled anymore. The recent move by the administration to U-turn the decision to delay the implementation of UNDI 18 signals an unwillingness to respect democracy, and shows their insincerity in making our democracy more robust. Moreover, I am perplexed at the reasons given as to why we can’t expand our voters-base by allowing automatic voter registration. With all the current technological advancement available, is the administration telling us that its technically impossible to do this? 

It took 3 and half years from when the Bill was tabled in July 2019 for it to be passed. And the administration is now saying that it needs another 18 months to execute it? 

There is no feasible reason to not implement this initiative. 211 MPs voted for it in July 2019, many of whom now make up the current administration. Unless of course, this administration - in its disdain for democracy - believes that a whopping vote in Dewan Rakyat should not be respected. 

Ladies and gentlemen,

Allow me to take us back to the night of May 9, 2018, as the results of the 14th General Election slowly unfolded in the long, long hours of the night. It was a night that shook the whole of Malaysia, and I admit that it shook me even more. 

That night filled me with an agonizing frustration. It was a kind of defeat I had never before felt in my life. It was a kind of defeat that one is admittedly reluctant to face or accept. 

In that emotional chaos, what was I supposed to do? I was going down in history as the first Malaysian leader to live through a change of government. After 60 years, Barisan Nasional was defeated, and my name was forever going to be etched in history. 

What was I supposed to do?

I was counseled with options by people around me. One of the options was to declare an Emergency, which I outright rejected because it may lead to chaos - and that will surely take a toll on my conscience. 

As a practitioner of democracy, I cannot stress the importance of admitting defeat and allowing for smooth transition of power. In doing so, I played my part in ensuring that the transition of power went smoothly. However, the same decorum wasn’t accorded to me. 

I willingly cooperated with the then PH administration to hand over the reins of the country only to be met with harassment, which was not limited only to myself but also to my family members, and most importantly my staff. We were treated with utter disrespect and disdain. 

But make no mistake, ladies and gentlemen. Deep down, I knew there and then what to do. As my own world crumbled, the new world of the people was taking shape. The people of my beloved country had spoken.

In the Malay language, we have this word ‘keramat’, which means sacred. The sacred voice of the Malaysian people had been heard. Who was I to defy it? That night, I was no longer the Prime Minister, and I was to step down as UMNO President. But one thing remained unchanged: I was a firm believer in democracy. I still am, ladies and gentlemen.

Out of my love and respect for democracy, I did the only right thing to do that night. I faced and accepted it…

Eyeing Joe Biden

 

My fellow Americans —

The people of this nation have spoken.

They have delivered us a clear victory. A convincing victory.

A victory for “We the People.”

We have won with the most votes ever cast for a presidential ticket in the history of this nation — 74 million.

I am humbled by the trust and confidence you have placed in me.

I pledge to be a President who seeks not to divide, but to unify.

Who doesn’t see Red and Blue states, but a United States.

And who will work with all my heart to win the confidence of the whole people.

For that is what America is about: The people.

And that is what our Administration will be about.

I sought this office to restore the soul of America. 

To rebuild the backbone of the nation — the middle class. 

To make America respected around the world again and to unite us here at home.

It is the honor of my lifetime that so many millions of Americans have voted for this vision. 

And now the work of making this vision real is the task of our time. 

As I said many times before, I’m Jill’s husband. 

I would not be here without the love and tireless support of Jill, Hunter, Ashley, all of our grandchildren and their spouses, and all our family. 

They are my heart. 

Jill’s a mom — a military mom — and an educator. 

She has dedicated her life to education, but teaching isn’t just what she does — it’s who she is. 

For America’s educators, this is a great day: You’re going to have one of your own in the White House, and Jill is going to make a great First Lady.

And I will be honored to be serving with a fantastic vice president — Kamala Harris — who will make history as the first woman, first Black woman, first woman of South Asian descent, and first daughter of immigrants ever elected to national office in this country.

It’s long overdue, and we’re reminded tonight of all those who fought so hard for so many years to make this happen. But once again, America has bent the arc of the moral universe towards justice.

Kamala, Doug — like it or not — you’re family. You’ve become honorary Bidens and there’s no way out.

To all those who volunteered, worked the polls in the middle of this pandemic, local election officials — you deserve a special thanks from this nation. 

To my campaign team, and all the volunteers, to all those who gave so much of themselves to make this moment possible, I owe you everything.

And to all those who supported us: I am proud of the campaign we built and ran. I am proud of the coalition we put together, the broadest and most diverse in history. 

Democrats, Republicans and Independents. 

Progressives, moderates and conservatives. 

Young and old. 

Urban, suburban and rural. 

Gay, straight, transgender. 

White. Latino. Asian. Native American. 

And especially for those moments when this campaign was at its lowest — the African American community stood up again for me. They always have my back, and I’ll have yours.

I said from the outset I wanted a campaign that represented America, and I think we did that. Now that’s what I want the administration to look like.

And to those who voted for President Trump, I understand your disappointment tonight. 

I’ve lost a couple of elections myself. 

But now, let’s give each other a chance. 

It’s time to put away the harsh rhetoric.

To lower the temperature. 

To see each other again. 

To listen to each other again.

To make progress, we must stop treating our opponents as our enemy. 

We are not enemies. We are Americans.

The Bible tells us that to everything there is a season — a time to build, a time to reap, a time to sow. And a time to heal.

This is the time to heal in America.

Now that the campaign is over — what is the people’s will? What is our mandate?

I believe it is this: Americans have called on us to marshal the forces of decency and the forces of fairness. To marshal the forces of science and the forces of hope in the great battles of our time. 

The battle to control the virus. 

The battle to build prosperity. 

The battle to secure your family’s health care. 

The battle to achieve racial justice and root out systemic racism in this country.

The battle to save the climate.

The battle to restore decency, defend democracy, and give everybody in this country a fair shot.

Our work begins with getting COVID under control. 

We cannot repair the economy, restore our vitality, or relish life’s most precious moments — hugging a grandchild, birthdays, weddings, graduations, all the moments that matter most to us — until we get this virus under control.

On Monday, I will name a group of leading scientists and experts as Transition Advisors to help take the Biden-Harris COVID plan and convert it into an action blueprint that starts on January 20th, 2021.

That plan will be built on a bedrock of science. It will be constructed out of compassion, empathy, and concern.

I will spare no effort — or commitment — to turn this pandemic around.

I ran as a proud Democrat. I will now be an American president. I will work as hard for those who didn’t vote for me — as those who did.

Let this grim era of demonization in America begin to end — here and now. 

The refusal of Democrats and Republicans to cooperate with one another is not due to some mysterious force beyond our control. 

It’s a decision. It’s a choice we make.

And if we can decide not to cooperate, then we can decide to cooperate. And I believe that this is part of the mandate from the American people. They want us to cooperate.

That’s the choice I’ll make. And I call on the Congress — Democrats and Republicans alike — to make that choice with me.

The American story is about the slow, yet steady widening of opportunity. 

Make no mistake: Too many dreams have been deferred for too long. 

We must make the promise of the country real for everybody — no matter their race, their ethnicity, their faith, their identity, or their disability.

America has always been shaped by inflection points — by moments in time where we’ve made hard decisions about who we are and what we want to be. 

Lincoln in 1860 — coming to save the Union. 

FDR in 1932 — promising a beleaguered country a New Deal. 

JFK in 1960 — pledging a New Frontier. 

And twelve years ago — when Barack Obama made history — and told us, “Yes, we can.”

We stand again at an inflection point.

We have the opportunity to defeat despair and to build a nation of prosperity and purpose.

We can do it. I know we can.

I’ve long talked about the battle for the soul of America. 

We must restore the soul of America. 

Our nation is shaped by the constant battle between our better angels and our darkest impulses.

It is time for our better angels to prevail.

Tonight, the whole world is watching America. I believe at our best America is a beacon for the globe.

And we lead not by the example of our power, but by the power of our example.

I’ve always believed we can define America in one word: Possibilities.

That in America everyone should be given the opportunity to go as far as their dreams and God-given ability will take them.

You see, I believe in the possibility of this country. 

We’re always looking ahead. 

Ahead to an America that’s freer and more just.

Ahead to an America that creates jobs with dignity and respect. 

Ahead to an America that cures disease — like cancer and Alzheimers. 

Ahead to an America that never leaves anyone behind.

Ahead to an America that never gives up, never gives in.

This is a great nation. 

And we are a good people. 

This is the United States of America. 

And there has never been anything we haven’t been able to do when we’ve done it together.

In the last days of the campaign, I’ve been thinking about a hymn that means a lot to me and to my family, particularly my deceased son Beau. It captures the faith that sustains me and which I believe sustains America. 

And I hope it can provide some comfort and solace to the more than 230,000 families who have lost a loved one to this terrible virus this year. My heart goes out to each and every one of you. Hopefully this hymn gives you solace as well.

“And He will raise you up on eagle’s wings,

Bear you on the breath of dawn, 

Make you to shine like the sun, 

And hold you in the palm of His Hand.”

And now, together — on eagle’s wings — we embark on the work that God and history have called upon us to do. 

With full hearts and steady hands, with faith in America and in each other, with a love of country — and a thirst for justice — let us be the nation that we know we can be.

A nation united.

A nation strengthened.

A nation healed.

The United States of America. 

God bless you. 

And may God protect our troops.