THE THIRD EYE

Saturday, September 14, 2013

Eyeing the Bumiputera Agenda through the eyes of Rashid Yusof - New policies to boost inclusivity

BUMIPUTERA AGENDA: Expansionist strategies will enhance inclusivity and growth with equity and renewed focus

THE defining moment of Tun Abdul Razak Hussein's policy direction was the convulsions leading to May 13. To be exact, it was the shouting match over the social contract against a backdrop of widespread poverty. Some 60 per cent of the population then were poor. Poverty in the strictest sense had dipped to two per cent by the time Razak's son led Barisan Nasional into the 13th General Election.

Never mind the resultant seat tally. The conduct of Malaysian politics has been fractious over the tenure of Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi and now Datuk Seri Najib Razak's administration, because of the potent mixture of race and rights; entitlement and perceived deprivation in national conversation.

Translated, this is about differences over the social contract all over again. After a reasonable time had lapsed following May 5, which saw a significant majority of Bumiputera voters going with BN, the prime minister will now move decisively to reassert the constitutional provisions on matters regarding the Malays and Bumiputeras, or more commonly known as the social contract.

Today's landmark speech by Najib at the Majlis Pemerkasa Ekonomi Bumiputera is a carefully thought through document, designed to enhance inclusivity, growth with equity and, therefore, harmony by renewing the focus on the Bumiputera economic agenda.

There has been a set of triggers. A range of indicators, which were not considered significant then, has to be looked into with keener interest.

Bumiputera home ownership, which is a strong basis for wealth creation is low.

Bumiputeras feature in less than 40 per cent of last year's housing transactions. Bumiputera equity, which was growing well throughout the New Economic Policy (NEP) years had stagnated since the policy lapsed in 1990. The Malay-Chinese income disparity is wide still.

The composition of Bumiputeras in the population has actually expanded, from 56 per cent in 1970 at the outset of the NEP to 68 per cent 40 years later. There are a host of triggers justifying the new focus.

It is only to be expected that a host of questions will be thrown at the government. One of which is the question of timing.

People familiar with the thinking that went into crafting the additional measures to be unveiled today point to the rupture of sorts in the Bumiputera economic agenda induced by the 1997/98 Asian financial crisis.

The expansionist economic strategies and the Bumiputera focus that had until then worked well for the nation, both for the Bumiputera and wider population, were not as urgent as saving jobs for instance.

The tone of the new initiatives in relation to the exacting standards of modern business shall generate considerable attention.

Areas such as upscaling, employability and getting Bumiputera businesses into strategic industries with massive growth potential shall feature prominently.

The New Straits Times was told that the principles of the Bumiputera agenda shall be pursued within an expanding economy driven by inclusivity.

The needs-based measures to address the bottom 40 per cent of the population shall remain, as would other economic programmes.

"A rising tide lifts all boats, " said an officer met in Putrajaya. Meritocracy is not about to be abandoned. It will be the guiding principle in selecting deserving Bumiputera companies.

Foreign analysts are not expected to be overly buoyant about this policy trajectory.

The government, shaped somewhat by the outcome of GE13 that has been Najib's defining moment, is not about to pander to the sometimes misguided demands of outsiders.

The emerging line of thinking in Putrajaya these days -- the government is not about to be sidetracked by sniping and stray thoughts.

Wednesday, September 4, 2013

Eyeing the UMNO polls

RESPECT: There are no clear battle lines as contests are expected to be on friendly terms

THE race for Umno party posts has begun, albeit with less politicking or warring. Compared with other Barisan Nasional component parties, Umno by and large has implemented a democratic reform to its party polls. Almost everyone can contest for any post; just fill in a form and you are good to go.

Former Umno Puteri head Datuk Seri Azalina Othman Said started the ball rolling after throwing down the gauntlet against Datuk Seri Shahrizat Abdul Jalil for her Wanita Umno head post.

Many were surprised by this move and believed that Azalina has finally risen to the occasion to redeem herself after years of hiatus in the party leadership.

Shahrizat, in response, flashed her trademark smile and accepted the challenge. But, she will not go down without a fight. Insiders say that she is looking for a running mate to bolster her campaign.

Word has it that Azalina had met former Johor Wanita Umno head Datuk Halimah Sadique and proposed that they team up for the wing's top posts.

However, Halimah had suggested Azalina run for a deputy's post, on the notion that she was more senior than the former tourism minister. Much to Azalina's disappointment, the deal was called off.

But the negotiation ended in an amicable manner. Azalina did not bear a grudge and Halimah respected her decision. It is an admirable trait, considering that the two women leaders are politically prominent.

Azalina's move to contest as Wanita Umno head has in some way provided an impetus for outgoing Puteri members -- who would be automatically absorbed as Wanita members upon reaching a certain age limit -- to stride into an unchartered territory of a senior wing.

Puteri head Datuk Rosnah Abdul Rashid Shirlin is now gunning to be an executive councillor in Wanita. It is not known whether she would be bringing her followers to the fold but that is only to be expected, if she wants to strengthen her position in Wanita.

In vacating her post, at least two Puteri leaders -- Mas Ermiyati Samsudin and Jamilah Hanim Othman -- have announced their decision to contest as Puteri head.

Differing in style and grassroots support, Mas Ermiyati and Jamilah are seen as the two most suitable candidates to lead Puteri. However, until today, they have yet to draw the battle lines and preferred that the contest should be done on friendly terms.

Jamilah had said that she would rather not have a running mate at the risk of turning the wing fractious. Things are going well for Puteri and it seems that it has politically matured over the years.

In Umno Youth, there has not yet been a clamour over contest for the chief post, as most have agreed there should be no challengers to Khairy Jamaluddin. However, it is a different story for the Umno Youth vice-chief post.

Datuk Razali Ibrahim is still mulling over post he would be contesting, but pundits agreed that he is likely to forgo his post in favour for a seat in the party's supreme council.

Circumstances are pointing to similar lead as well, when a number of Umno Youth leaders such as Umno youth executive councillor Lokman Noor Adam, Perak youth chief Khairul Azwan Haron and Tenom youth chief Jamawi Jaafar announced their candidacy for the number two post.

All this is being done in the spirit of democracy and the grassroots are supportive of the decisions made by the contenders.

Observers note that the new system to elect party leaders has certainly opened up the flood gates for aspirants, and thus far has promoted healthy political ideals.

As the contest draws nearer, it will be interesting to see if the battles for leadership posts will be more or less intense as in previous party polls.

Eyeing Tan Sri Dr Zeti Aktar Aziz views on Providing for the 'bankless' poor

PROGRESSIVE: World's 2.5 billion people are reaping fruits of financial inclusion

MAKING the financial system accessible to the world's poorest people can unlock their economic potential, improve their lives and benefit the wider economy. So, it is no surprise that financial inclusion of the poor has become an important component of public policymaking. Central banks and regulators worldwide are taking the lead in making financial inclusion a priority, in addition to their traditional mandates of maintaining monetary and financial stability.

Financial inclusion is about providing an opportunity for the world's 2.5 billion unbanked and financially underserved to participate in the formal financial system, thereby helping to lift them out of poverty and enter the economic mainstream.

Greater financial inclusiveness promises a more cohesive society and more balanced growth and development.

Moreover, financial systems themselves stand to benefit from becoming more comprehensive and progressive. The additional consumers participating in the formal financial system will strengthen national economies and, in turn, enrich the global economy.

Indeed, as developing countries move towards middle-income status, financial inclusion is a key component of continued progress.

In countries with high levels of financial exclusion, consumers are left to rely on unregulated informal services. These inferior substitutes often imply exorbitant costs for borrowers, and financing that is usually too short term for productive investment activity.

Moreover, the lack of consumer protection and regulatory and supervisory frameworks exposes informal activities to vulnerabilities that can harm borrowers and jeopardise financial stability.

Increasing the availability of formal financial services to those who have long been denied them requires establishing a balanced regulatory framework.

Oppressive, blanket regulation, which may be necessary in complex and unpredictable financial markets, may not be relevant in a rural community or, worse, it may stifle efforts to promote financial inclusion.

Indeed, proportionality is an important aspect of regulation, enabling prudential measures that, rather than exceed or underestimate, are commensurate with the risks that need to be addressed. Little wonder, then, that high levels of exclusion in developing and emerging countries have prompted policymakers to embrace proportionate regulation, thereby gaining the flexibility to encourage innovation in the provision of financial services while preserving financial stability.

Bangladesh, for example, has adapted its financial regulations for microfinance institutions. This has helped to catalyse the growth of sustainable microfinancing to local women-owned enterprises. Kenya's "test and learn" approach to regulation has unleashed the potential of mobile-phone-based financial-service delivery through M-PESA, which offers consumers a safe and convenient alternative to cash.

There are many other examples of successful implementation of proportionate regulation that have resulted in greater financial inclusion without compromising financial stability. In Malaysia, agent-banking regulation (which safeguards consumers' interests while supporting financial institutions' business models) has led to the expansion of branchless banking to reach previously unserved rural areas.

Similarly, Mexico’s “tiered” approach to financial access — according to which requirements for opening bank accounts are proportionate to risk, with low-value accounts subject to higher transaction restrictions — has expanded access to basic accounts, while mitigating the risk of money laundering.

And, Pakistan and Indonesia, by basing capital requirements for microfinance institutions on the size of the population that they expect to serve, are enabling these institutions to serve distinct market niches sustainably.
Policymakers in many countries have recently been considering the role of financial standard-setting bodies (SSBs) in advancing financial inclusion. In particular, they are focusing on the specific challenges that arise when applying supervisory standards in a developing country that is pursuing financial stability and inclusion.

Although global standards supposedly reflect the principles of proportionality, they provide insufficient guidance for the national regulators, banking institutions and financial-sector assessors, who are trying to apply them effectively in diverse environments. This lack of contextual clarity has led to excessively conservative interpretations of the regulations, and thus to the creation of unintended barriers to financial inclusion. Addressing this will require input from policymakers with practical experience applying international standards, particularly in emerging economies.

At the same time, in order to ensure continued progress towards financial inclusion, representatives from developing and emerging economies must play a greater role in shaping future standards. The Alliance for Financial Inclusion, a network of central bankers and financial policymakers from more than 80 developing countries, is already contributing to more effective and proportionate global regulation by facilitating increased engagement with SSBs. This month, Malaysia’s central bank will advance the process by hosting AFI’s Global Policy Forum.

Such collaborative efforts among developing countries ultimately foster closer cooperation between them and their developed counterparts. This will lead to better outcomes for the global financial system, the global real economy, and, more important, the people who have been excluded from both for far too long. Project Syndicate

Eyeing the RON 95 and Diesel TWENTY CENTS price hike by Roy Goh

FUEL HIKE: People must look at the long-term benefits in subsidy cuts

MALAYSIANS lined up to save money on Monday night and burnt some as they waited.

The prices of RON95 and diesel were raised by 20 sen to RM2.10 and RM2 yesterday.

This triggered nationwide panic-buying and Kota Kinabalu was no exception with vehicles queuing from late noon.

To make things worse, pump attendants and station supervisors bore the brunt of the people's frustrations at the slightest delay or mistake.

In other states, there were also reports of motorists crashing into pumps, vandalism and other form of abuses -- because of the 20 sen hike. It was good to note those who fuelled before the midnight deadline earned a reprieve worth RM6 to RM20 until their tank empties.

The smallest of cars could hold up to 30 litres and multiply that by 20 sen, its owner saved RM6. For owners of bigger vehicles that could hold up to 100 litres, they saved up to RM20.

A hike in the price of an essential item, such as fuel, is always worth a debate among economists right to the man on the streets.

There are points to be raised both from the decision-makers and end-users. But for the trouble they go through waiting for up to an hour, the rage burning as they scrolled their smartphones on social media, the honking and the beverages they bought, it's priceless, at least to those who queued.

Their grouses varied from the announcement being too sudden, it was wrong, 1Malaysia People's Aid (BR1M) to be blamed and some emphatic tunggulah kamu (just you wait) to the government.

A friend, who smokes a cigarette brand that retails at RM10.50 a packet, said he queued to fill up to make sure he saved as much as he could.

Asked if he would change to a cheaper brand of cigarette so that he could save, his answer was no.

Three key facts that were not stated by those who vented their feelings:

THE contraction could save the government RM1.1 billion for the remainder of the year and RM3.3 billion annually;

THE prices of RON95 and diesel at the stations were still subsidised at 60 sen and 80 sen per litre; and,

COMPARED with prices in the region, where in most countries, it is higher.

The hike would likely hit the lower-income group, according to Federation of Malaysian Consumers Association president Datuk N. Marimuthu.

"The 20 sen increment is high as RON95 petrol and diesel are widely used by the low- and middle-income families.

"Even though it gives the government much-needed elbow room to plan and allocate a bigger budget for other developments, they should also think about the people."

The keyword when Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak made the announcement was rationalisation.

The move was part of the government's subsidy rationalisation initiative to ensure a more efficient and just distribution of benefits derived from its subsidy effort, he said.

"Currently, our subsidy system benefits everyone, including the higher-income group and foreigners. Thus, we need to move to a more targeted subsidy system that caters to the vulnerable groups.

"The subsidy rationalisation will be carried out in many stages. To reduce the burden of the low-income and vulnerable group following the fuel subsidy rationalisation, BR1M will be increased in the 2014 Budget," he said.

The government, in its 2013 Budget, allocated RM24.8 billion for fuel subsidy and the price move would help save RM1.1 billion in the remaining part of the year. Whatever is saved would be ploughed back to benefit the people, especially the lower-income group.

All this, however, calls for prudent spending among the public and efficiency from the civil service, especially in the transport industry. It also points to the stricter enforcement of laws against profiteers, who will jump on the issue as an excuse to hike prices of goods and services.

Monday, September 2, 2013

Eyeing Tan Sri Dr Sulaiman Mahbod's writing on Trade Liberalisation

INTERNATIONAL COMPETITION: The world is already a global village with economic boundaries crumbling

WITH globalisation and internationalisation, countries are no longer spared of pressures from many quarters to open up their economies and be increasingly exposed to demands for surrendering their sovereignty to manage their economic affairs.

The last round of trade negotiations, otherwise called the Uruguay Round, led to the demise of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), which dealt with trade in goods, and in its place the World Trade Organisation (WTO) established and brought trade in services into its fold. Efforts were also in place bringing in intellectual property (TRIP) and investments (TRIM) under the WTO fold.

Subsequent post Uruguay Round efforts to further improve multilateral processes, beginning in Seattle, and later in Doha, stalled. In place of multilateralism, bilateral pressures picked up speed and free trade initiatives came onto the scene subjecting small economies to the full onslaught of economic power of the large economies.

Now another form of regional partnership called the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Agreement has emerged, to bring several economies in the region into another regional arrangement with its own ways of addressing disputes between contracting parties, even proposing the need to adjudicate disputes on investment incentives.

Thus the statement that countries are no longer at war in a military sense but are having skirmishes in the trade arena, is true. The concern by the American leaders of China's exchange rate policy is but one of these.

Nearer to home is our commitment towards Asean economic integration, the Asean Economic Community (AEC), which is slated to come into force by 2015. The varying economic stages within Asean should not delay the formation of AEC and our efforts need to be focused on this more urgent matter. Certainly what happened in the Eurozone, the Euro in particular, should give us more insights into the challenges and trappings of regional integration.

The AEC should be the corridor where our diplomats and trade negotiators should be busier, rather than responding to pressure from the majors whose real problem is to effectively manage their own economies.

We must ensure AEC materialises to showcase to the world that our brand of economic grouping is working and impactful. Asean has come a long way and it is high time we consolidated it even further. AEC is quite a natural progression after our CEPT, AFTA, AFAS, and after the opening up of neighbouring countries, such as Myanmar and the coming of the latter, into another potential centre for investments into the region.

Malaysia would stand to gain from AEC given its stage of economic growth and development and the public policies that are supportive of the private sector as the engine of economic growth.

As any trade negotiation would develop, and TPP included, the issue of more liberalisation is uppermost and the issue of how to address disputes under the new proposed grouping will always be an important agenda for negotiation.

Our negotiators must be prepared with country positions after doing the calculations of cost and benefit of joining the partnership. Have we done so? Hopefully we have.

Our culture for in depth economic and policy analysis has somewhat taken a back seat preferring only the importance of the bottom line. The private sector with all the subsidies it has enjoyed often does not find it quite necessary to invest in policy related researches and R&D. This is where we differ from the developed west where policy related researches and R&D are largely funded by the industry for the benefit of the whole economy.

In managing all these pressures and expectations, our economic players and policy makers will have to be prepared for liberalisation. We have to build our state of readiness for a more liberal economic environment. It is almost a fact of economic life that the world is already a "global village" with economic boundaries crumbling.

Thus the mindset, of thinking global and acting local, must be in all of us. To be so contented with the domestic market and with the strong support of the public sector available here, should be a mindset of the past.

To be sure, others are watching us to contribute to the global process of liberalisation. The simple reason is that we have benefited from their capital investment flows and markets for our products.

Thus Malaysian industries and traders should always be prepared for competition from external players and operators, and to work with their Asean counterparts to become global players to face international competition. The need to consolidate and to grow into regional and global player is a must now.

The TPP is a wake-up call to our industries to stay efficient and competitive as well as highly productive. If nations with limited resources can find niches in this competitive world, Malaysia too, can.

With efficient utilisation of our natural and human resources by our industries as well as operating in a non-subsidised environment, using the boundary pricing policy as much as possible, may be the formula for long term survival of our industries. Additionally, we must be prepared for our protection walls to be increasingly brought down in due course.

Eyeing Unusual features in leaked TPP proposals writes Khor Eng Hee

TRANS-PACIFIC PARTNERSHIP TALKS: There should be a balance of rights and obligations, writes Khor Eng Hee

SECRECY surrounds current negotiations taking place on the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), a plurilateral trade negotiation carried out so far by 11 countries to establish a regional free-trade area. Japan was admitted as the 12th participating member on July 23.

Certain parts or chapters of the draft text of the TPP, however, have been leaked on the Internet. Consequently, much interest has now been aroused among people worldwide about the main players, their motives and of the issues involved.

Trade liberalisation, as the Uruguay Round (UR) has shown, does not necessarily bring benefits to participants equally.

Major adjustments are often required in the economy and these can be costly. A country's business and industrial enterprises must be prepared and capable to compete in world trade, and to face such competition at home to profit from such liberalisation.

When elements of geopolitics are added to trade liberalisation, the outcome does not impact just on trade.

Some of the obligations can be liabilities. They can constrain development efforts because of the restraint in legal commitments undertaken either unwittingly or under pressure.

This article discusses the TPP in a general manner. It takes up one or two of the salient features of the proposed agreement as these have been leaked out. Readers will need to understand that it is written under such qualification.

The terms and conditions including the sectors involved in the proposed agreement are still kept away from the public. These, in addition, are evolving as negotiations progress.

However, from what has been leaked out, there seems to be some features in the draft TPP text not seen in the 50 years of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade's (GATT) history and in the World Trade Organisation's (WTO) institutional and legal framework.

Some of the commitments proposed seem to go beyond those accepted in the WTO or other regional free-trade areas in sectors like environment, labour standards, intellectual property rights protection, investment, competition, etc. Many of these proposals would have serious implications.

Observers note that of the 29 chapters of the TPP, only two deal with trade. There is nothing strange about such an approach as major participating countries do attempt to use trade negotiations to pursue their other economic or political strategic concerns and aims in international relations.

Developing countries also enter into trade negotiations with some plan and ambition. However, their efforts do not have the strategic interests or impact compared with those of major advanced nations.

Theirs is simply social and economic growth and development. They do not yet possess the strength and influence to aim for a more ambitious power play.

One other unusual feature is the proposal that private economic enterprises and their individuals in sectors covered by the agreement would be empowered to sue the government of another party for what they claim to be breach of commitments, and because of this, for loss, direct or indirect.

Some observers are of the view that what is proposed puts the government answerable to the enterprises of another party rather than the other way around when they establish themselves in another country. This would put lesser countries at the mercy of multinational corporations, some of whose annual budget is even bigger than their government's.

The host government would open itself to all sorts of litigation, not just government-to-government as in the GATT in the past, now in the WTO or in most other existing free trade areas.

Such commitments will apply to all members of the agreement once they are adopted and come into effect. While developed members have the human and financial resources to deal with such a problem or are au fait with such a practice in their culture, are developing members on par with their developed counterparts?

Such a principle or legal rule if applied to services trade such as financial and banking services as an example, would tie down governments from regulatory corrective actions in the event of financial volatility and other crisis that the world today is prone to. Hedge funds, for example, would have a heyday.

Threat of punitive action would be sufficient to pressure particularly weaker member countries. This would act as a strong constraint on any affirmative policy measures towards national economic development and growth.

For one thing, capital control would be out of the toolkit of central banks to prevent a sudden surge of outflows of capital under these proposed terms and conditions.

The number of free trade agreements so far concluded and studied by some scholars and think tanks show that the use of different rules of origin is discouraging some foreign businesses from making use of some of these free trade areas as it adds up transaction costs.

One common question in the corridors of the GATT that I used to hear in my days in Geneva was: "At the end of the day, is there a balance of rights and obligations?"

One answer is that it may be too late if one waits for the end of the day to ask such a question. What is the use of such rights if developing countries, because of weakness, cannot make use of them.

Friday, August 30, 2013

Eyeing Glycemic Index and Diabetes

Glycemic Index: What's It All About?

Good carbohydrates, bad carbohydrates. Low glycemic index, high glycemic index. A great tool to help you manage diabetes or lose weight. You might have heard all these statements associated with the glycemic index. What is this glycemic index all about? Is it worth considering as a way to help you control your blood sugar levels?

The Glycemic Index: Food’s Impact on Blood Sugar in Diabetes

Researchers have spent years debating what makes blood sugar levels too high in those with diabetes. Potential culprits have included sugar, carbohydrates in general, simple carbs, starches, and more. The glycemic index is one attempt to measure each individual food’s effect on blood sugar.

If you're trying to lose weight, calories count more than the types of food in your diet, a U.S. Department of Agriculture-Tufts University study shows.

The study shows that after a year, overweight people on a low-carb low-glycemic-index diet lost just as much weight -- 8% of their original weight -- as people on a reduced-fat, high-glycemic-index diet. That suggests there's a range of healthy diets that can promote weight loss successfully.

High Glycemic Index Foods Are Linked to Health Problems

What researchers have learned is that high glycemic index foods generally make blood sugar levels higher. In addition, people who eat a lot of high glycemic index foods tend to have greater levels of body fat, as measured by the body mass index (BMI). High BMIs are linked to obesity, heart disease, and diabetes.

High glycemic index foods include many carbohydrates such as these:

White bread
Pasta
Rice
Low-fiber cereals
Baked goods

Tuesday, August 27, 2013

Eyeing Honourable Dato Sri Najib's speech at the Tun Dr Mahathir Global Peace Award

HE. Jacob Zuma, President of South Africa and Mrs. Zuma,

His Excellency Tun. Dr. Mahathir Mohamad, Former Prime Minister of Malaysia Malaysia, and Her Excellency Tun Dr. Siti Hasmah Mohamed Ali,

Ministers,

Distinguished guests,

Ladies and Gentlemen.

It is a privilege to be here today to present the Tun Dr Mahathir Global Peace Award. On behalf of all Malaysians, I offer my warmest welcome to President Zuma. I thank you for your friendship and for your commitment to strengthening the bond between our two nations. It is a relationship that only grows stronger with time.
The recipient of today’s award needs little introduction. So before we begin, I thought I might say a few words about the award itself.
Over the course of history, humans have ascended great heights. We have created language, cured disease, set foot on the moon. These achievements illustrate the best of our nature: the ability to work together in pursuit of common aims. But there is another side to human endeavour.
Despite the coming of civilization, we have yet to turn our backs on the most primitive pastime of all. Despite millennia of progress, our most powerful tools are used not just to advance our ambitions, but also to destroy them.
Throughout our history, humans have embarked upon war. In the name of plunder, conquest or religion, we have chosen violent ends over peaceful aims. Motivated by anger, fear and greed, we have killed and maimed at ever greater scale.
Today, conflict burns in each region of the earth. Whether border skirmish or civil war, sectarian violence or military occupation, conflict continues to take a heavy toll on people and nations: often on those who can afford it least.

Ladies and gentlemen,

The progress we have fought for over centuries – and the achievements of our remarkable species – count for nothing if we cannot live in peace as people of one world.
All nations share a common responsibility to break with the past and create a better future; to secure a just and lasting peace. Here the international community faces perhaps its greatest challenge: peace not just during our time, but peace for all times.
It is a challenge that must be met collectively. It is imperative that we achieve a peace premised upon a covenant of the willing, not one enforced by hegemony or secured through coercion. Peace can only be achieved if we are willing to constructively engage each other, to substitute dialogue in place of conflict.
It is this spirit that inspired Malaysia’s former Prime Minister, Tun Dr Mahathir bin Mohamad, who stands solidly against war. Speaking at conferences across the world, Tun Dr Mahathir works tirelessly to deliver a simple message: that war should not be the preferred path to peace.
Today’s award is yet another demonstration of his personal commitment to this cause. It therefore gives me great pleasure to present the Mahathir Award for Global Peace, and to congratulate its inaugural recipient.
It is rare that a national leader rises to become a global icon; rarer still that they do so by compassion, not conquest. Only a handful earn such recognition that they are known not just to their own people, but to the world; known not only by their titles, but by a single name.
We count ourselves lucky to find one in a generation; in the twentieth century, there were three. Mahatma Gandhi. Martin Luther King. And the recipient of today’s award, Nelson Mandela.
For millions of people, the name stirs deeply held memories: the lawyer in London, telling the world of an ideal for which he is prepared to die. The prisoner on Robben Island, holding seminars with his fellow inmates. The free man, walking from his cell to lead his nation to democracy. And the President who turned his back on retribution in favour of reconciliation.
It is this Mandela – the leader who brought a nation together when others would tear it apart – that we recognise today. Faced with a choice between settling scores and healing wounds, President Mandela demonstrated that peace begins at home. That the practice of peace begins with a personal commitment: to forgiveness, and to compassion.
In one bold stroke, he rallied the country to think of the opportunities that avail themselves when a country is united. His words and his actions, particularly when tensions were at their highest, were chosen with a wisdom born of experience, and the generosity of spirit that equalled the occasion. At a time when dark flames of revenge flickered in the background, President Mandela showed that his commitment to his country burned brightest of all.
In so doing, he gave hope to the world: hope that national reconciliation – a long and arduous journey, one that may not ever be fully complete – is nonetheless worth every single step.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

These achievements were celebrated with a particular passion here in Malaysia. For generations, our people have felt an affinity with South Africa.
Our nation also spent much of the twentieth century in search of democracy; struggling for majority rule, working to build the institutions on which independence and prosperity rely. We felt a connection with the fight to remove racism and instate democracy, for Malaysia too was trying to create a fairer and freer country.
Our nation’s first Prime Minister, Tunku Abdul Rahman, was also the first Malaysian premier to register his opposition to Apartheid. Our Ministry of Foreign Affairs rallied the Commonwealth to reject Apartheid. Three months after Malaysia’s independence, we voted to support United Nations resolutions against it, and our stance did not waver until the injustice was ended. Malaysia played a key role in bringing about South Africa’s exit from the Commonwealth, initiated early trade sanctions, and sat on the special UN committee on apartheid.
But it was our longest serving leader, Tun Dr Mahathir, who did the most to further this tradition. Dr Mahathir worked with the Commonwealth, the Non-Aligned Movement, the Zambian administration and the ANC itself. And in 1990, on the eve of negotiations for democracy, he welcomed Nelson Mandela to Malaysia.
It is this personal connection to the cause – this history of activism and support for one of the defining struggles of our generation – that makes today’s award all the more poignant. And so, on behalf of all Malaysians, it gives me great pleasure to present the Tun Dr Mahathir Global Peace Award to Nelson Mandela.

Monday, August 26, 2013

Eyeing Nazri will always be Nazri by Razak Ahmad The STAR

PETALING JAYA: Those who expect Datuk Seri Nazri Aziz to mellow out will be disappointed.

The Tourism and Culture Minister has been in politics for 35 years and he has a reputation for being vocal. The Umno leader would occasionally air views that go against the grain of conventional thinking, either within his party or the Government.

But despite the recent controversy which erupted after he appointed his son as his special officer, Nazri, in a recent interview, said he would remain as outspoken as ever.

“If I have done something wrong, I will apologise but if I know that my stand is a principled stand, I will hold my ground, no matter what people say about me,” Nazri said.

The incident has inflamed some of his critics who, over the years, have accused him of going overboard in voicing controversial opinions.

“I have a few hats to wear – politician, social worker, lawyer. But I am a lawyer first above everything else, even above my political party.

“Upholding the law is the most important thing to me and that is why I am vocal, even if it goes against the grain of my party’s struggle,” he said when asked about the strong opinions about him.

Views about him among Umno members and supporters are also mixed. Some feel that he is a maverick while his critics say he is kurang ajar (insolent) and have not forgiven him for crossing swords with people whom, they say, he has no right to question, namely Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.

“It is principles and nothing personal. I debate and argue with a clear mind,” said Nazri when asked about the former prime minister.

“When I was the minister in charge of parliamentary affairs, I would argue with the Opposition all the time but I also get along with many of their MPs because they knew it was not personal.”

He attributes his outspokenness to his father Tan Sri Abdul Aziz Yeop.

Abdul Aziz studied law in Britain and later became one of Malaysia’s leading public servants, holding positions including as high commissioner to Britain and secretary-general to the Education Ministry.

“My late father was a lawyer who instilled in me the importance of having a strong conviction and principled stand,” he said.

Another trait he credits his father with is a strong faith in multi-culturalism.

“He mixed a lot with people from all races and this also moulded me to become a person some would probably consider unorthodox.

“To me, it’s very simple. I am a Malay but if I want to do something for my race, it should not be a zero sum game whereby it is seen as being at the expense of another race. You love your race but, at the same time, it doesn’t mean that you must hate the others,” he said.

Love him or hate him, the fact is that Nazri is no newbie to politics. Appointed as an Umno Youth exco member in 1978 when he was just a 24-year-old fresh law graduate, Nazri gradually climbed up the party ranks in a political career that has spanned over three decades.

He has been on the Umno supreme council since 1990 and in 1993, became Umno Youth deputy chief.

To many of his supporters, peers and colleagues, he is known simply as “chief”, a moniker he considers more than just a nickname but a term of endearment.

“When I was appointed as an Umno Youth exco member in 1978, I was neither a Datuk nor an elected representative, so many did not know what to call me.

“I was from the Malay College Kuala Kangsar and I was a ringleader among a group of friends. My old friend Datuk Naim Mohamad (currently the deputy president of the Malaysian National Cycling Federation) used to call me chief and somehow, the name stuck.

“To me, when someone calls me chief, it makes that person feels closer to me,” he said.

In the Cabinet, Nazri has served as Entrepreneur Development Minister from 1999 to 2004 after which he served as Minister in the Prime Minister’s Department before being appointed as Tourism and Culture Minister following the last general election.

Nazri said that he was worried about the recent spate of shootings and crime as this could scare tourists away.

He said he was equally vocal in the Cabinet, voicing dissenting opinions which his colleagues sometimes disagreed with.

“My views are independent because I believe that what is right is right and what is wrong is wrong, so I will always tell it as it is,” he said

Tuesday, August 20, 2013

Eyeing the Moscow World Championships at the Luzhniki Stadium - Track and Field

Medal Tally of the top ten countries.

Russia 7G 4S 6B

U S 6G 13S 6B

Jamaica 6G 2S 1B

Kenya 5G 4S 3B

Germany 4G 2S 1B

Ethiopia 3G 3S 4B

Great Britain 3G 0S 2B

Czech Rep 2G 0S 1B

Ukraine 2G 0S 1B

France 1G 3S 1B

Russia, U S, Germany, Great Britain and France represented the World's largest national economies

whilst Jamaica, Kenya, Ethiopia, Czech Rep and Ukraine the developing nations.

Amongst the top ten highly developed countries

MOSCOW: TOPPLING Usain Bolt from his sprint throne could take a while yet with the untouchable Jamaican star of track and field still looking down on those who seek to challenge his reign.

While his jet engine still roars, others toil, with the fastest man on earth heading home from the Moscow World Championships with another three gold medals, despite never needing to be at his peerless best.

Bolt duly completed a 100m, 200m and 4x100m treble to match his feats of the last two Olympics, become the most successful athlete in World Championship history -- and left promising his goal was more Games glory in Rio in 2016.

Jamaican sprinters lauding it over waning powerhouses the United States was evident again in the Luzhniki Stadium, the twinkle-toed Shelly-Ann Fraser-Pryce powering to her own treble.

In truth, it was far from a vintage championships, the buzz of last year's Olympics long gone, with some notable London champions absent, a doping cloud hanging over the sport and not a world record in sight.

Like Bolt and Shelly-Ann, an ever-smiling Mo Farah shone bright. The Briton confirmed his place among the long-distance greats by brilliantly repeating his Olympic 5,000 and 10,000 double.

Farah took 10,000 gold on the opening night of the championships and made light of a stitch during the 5,000 final six days later with another supreme final lap.

Russia topped the United States in the medals table, by seven gold to six, helped by strong performances in the field events and walks.

Popular drama queen Yelena Isinbayeva was roared to victory by an ecstatic crowd in the pole vault, taking an emotional third world title after a difficult season then announcing she planned to return to action in the future once she has had a baby.

However, she suffered a backlash for her subsequent anti-gay comments, convincing nobody when she said later she had been misunderstood.

While Yelena and the controversial Russian law divided opinion, the world is united in appreciation of Bolt.

He came to Moscow after a low-key season but, in the absence of injured Yohan Blake and Tyson Gay, banned after failing a drugs test, there was nobody able to pressure him.

He regained his 100m title with a workmanlike win over Justin Gatlin, then sauntered to victory over his favourite 200.

Anchoring the Jamaican 4x100m, he took his tally of world championship gold to eight -- level with Carl Lewis, Michael Johnson and Allyson Felix but ahead of the American trio on silver countback.

Apart from his false start and ignominious disqualification from the world 100 final two years ago, the 26-year-old has won every global sprint gold since claiming his first Olympic 100m title in Beijing in 2008.

"My goal is to defend (for a second time) my titles at the next Olympics as it hasn't been done before by anyone. And this World Championships is a stepping stone towards that goal," he said.

The colourful Shelly-Ann, half her long hair dyed pink, also led her rivals a merry dance. Her scintillating 100m triumph, sealed from the moment she powered out of the blocks, was followed up with another virtuoso display in a 200 final that left three-time champion Allyson prone and in tears after the American tore her hamstring in the first 30 metres.

New stars emerged in the hurdles in the shape of American Brianna Rollins and Trinidad and Tobago's Jehue Gordon.

Brianna, 22 on Sunday, belied her inexperience to dethrone Sally Pearson while in the men's one-lap event, Gordon, 21, pipped a tiring Michael Tinsley by one hundredth of a second to confirm the promise that made him world junior champion.

Of the Olympic champions to flop in Moscow, Kirani James was the most surprising.

Defending world and Olympic champion James trailed home seventh in a 400 metres final won easily by LaShawn Merritt.

"I was hungry. Probably the hungriest person in the field," said the American after regaining his 2009 title and making up for last year's Olympic disappointment when he suffered injury.

Compatriot David Oliver did not even make it to London after a wretched time but the ever-cheerful American took his first global title in the 110m hurdles, with world record holder Merritt sixth after an injury-hit year.

In the closest gold medal finish of all, Briton Christine Ohuruogu brilliantly punished an inexcusable lapse by defending champion Amantle Montsho, who failed to dip at the line as the former champion edged her out by four thousandths of a second.

"I did not see Christine coming," the Botswanan said with no hint of irony.

While Farah left his African rivals still figuring how to plot his downfall there were no such problems for Ethiopia's women.

Line up against Tirunesh Dibaba in the 10,000 and you can write off gold. The runner known as the 'baby-faced destroyer' powered to her third world crown, extending her winning run in a distance she has never been beaten to 11. Not to be outdone, compatriot Meseret Defar eased home in the 5,000m.

Kenya's dominance of steeplechasing continued through the indomitable Ezekiel Kemboi, showing his younger teammate Conseslus Kipruto a clean pair of heels and equalling the hat-trick feat of his coach Moses Kiptanui.

Milcah Chemos Cheywa also led home a Kenyan one-two in the women's event.

Decathlon world record holder and London champion Ashton Eaton admitted he had struggled to lift himself in 2013, but that did not stop the American winning a first world title after a first-day roasting from his coach kick-started him to the fastest-ever decathlon world championship 400m.

An Eaton family double -- he married Brianne Theisen-Eaton last month -- was denied when the Canadian was pipped to heptathlon gold by Ganna Melnichenko, much to the delight of the vociferous Ukraine fans who were a constant presence in an all-too empty Luzhniki Stadium.

The Ukrainians also celebrated Bohdan Bondarenko's impressive high-jump victory, while women's long jumper American Britney Reese landed a third successive world title, going better than greats Heike Drechsler, Jackie Joyner-Kersee and Fiona May who all won two apiece -- all after sneaking into the final as the 12th and last qualifier.

Kenyan Edna Kiplagat defied hot and humid conditions to become the first woman to retain the world marathon title and Ugandan Stephen Kiprotich showed his surprise Olympic victory was no fluke by holding a trio of Ethiopians at bay.

Germany took four field event golds, led by Robert Harting who won his third successive world discus crown.

New Zealand shot putter Valerie Adams described her feat of four consecutive world titles "as good for women's sport", and on the final day, Frenchman Teddy Tamgho unleashed the fourth longest triple jump leap of all time -- 18.04m. Reuters